Former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo discusses Trump’s deterrence strategies, Middle Eastern conflicts at Duke event

President Donald Trump (left) with then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo (right) in 2019.
President Donald Trump (left) with then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo (right) in 2019.

Former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo spoke about President Donald Trump’s approach to deterrence, United States negotiations with North Korea and the Middle Eastern conflicts at a Monday Duke Program in American Grand Strategy event.

The event, moderated by Peter Feaver, professor of political science and public policy and AGS director, touched on Pompeo’s time serving as CIA director in the first Trump administration from January 2017 to April 2018 and as secretary of state from his 2018 appointment until January 2021.

Many have likened Pompeo’s approach to diplomacy to a strong-armed, “America First” vision, with his tenure including two North Korea-U.S. summits, the signing of the Abraham Accords and the killing of Qassem Soleimani, Iran’s top security and intelligence commander.

Days into his second term, Trump revoked Pompeo’s government security protection — even as Pompeo reportedly faced threats from Iran.

Trump’s international posture

Pompeo emphasized Trump’s distinct approach to deterrence, making frequent reference to a January 2018 Twitter post in which Trump described his nuclear button as “much bigger” than that of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.

Pompeo described this strategy of negotiation “from a position of strength” as core to the Trump administration’s approach to North Korea, citing that the U.S. placed “severe sanctions” on the country, which were — unconventionally — joined by Russia and China.

Despite this approach and optimism following the 2018 summit in Singapore between the U.S. and North Korea, Pompeo ultimately viewed the negotiations as a “failure.” He said that though he convinced Trump to participate in a second summit in Hanoi, Vietnam, he now believes the summit should not have taken place — citing Kim’s prior visit to Beijing, China, or Kim’s subordinates potentially misconstruing messages as possible derailing factors.

Pompeo pointed to Trump’s ordering of an airstrike which killed Soleimani as another example of his “gutsy” approach to foreign relations. Feaver asked whether Pompeo now second-guesses his recommendation of the strike given the threats he has received from Iran.

“Absolutely not,” Pompeo said. “It was a righteous strike. We saved American lives.”

He further noted that the Doha Agreement, a joint effort between the U.S. and the Taliban — an extremist Islamic movement in Afghanistan — to bring peace to Afghanistan, stemmed from Trump’s desire to remove U.S. troops from the region. On the day Pompeo visited Doha, Qatar, two deals were signed: one to compel the Afghan government to “sit at the table” with the Taliban, and another that set conditions for the Taliban to adhere to, or else the U.S. would maintain its military presence in Afghanistan.

Abraham Accords, Middle Eastern conflicts

In describing the development of the Abraham Accords, Pompeo emphasized the U.S.’ support for Israel.

According to Pompeo, failed efforts by U.S. officials to resolve conflicts in the Middle East stem from an inability to address the root of the problem, which he believes “sits in Tehran[, Iran].” So, Pompeo and other ambassadors used the Abraham Accords as a strategy to develop allyship among Gulf Arab states in direct opposition to Iran.

“[The ambassadors] developed this model: Put enough pressure on Iran, support Israel strongly and convince the Gulf Arab states that they should be on our team.”

Feaver asked Pompeo about his view of the strategy behind Trump’s recent proposal of U.S. “ownership” of Gaza.

Pompeo replied that he doesn’t know the current administration’s strategy because he “wasn’t in the room.” He then made reference to pro-Palestinian protests on college campuses, which have cited Israeli occupation in Gaza as a primary grievance. He continued to say that there are no “Jews in Gaza” and that “there’s no occupa---,” though he cut off his sentence.

According to the U.S. Department of State, Gaza is listed as one of the three “Occupied Territories” that are subject to the authority of both Israel and the Palestinian Authority.

Pompeo then questioned why “Muslim countries … wouldn’t protect the Muslims living in Gaza,” noting that Egypt and Jordan did not accept refugees. Earlier Monday, Trump said that he would cut aid to the two countries if they refused his Jan. 26 demand to accept Palestinian refugees.

Pompeo’s relationship with Trump

Pompeo was nominated during a time in which headlines highlighted Trump’s disapproval of intelligence agencies. Pompeo felt that Trump's opposition to these agencies was primarily directed at the FBI, so he invited Trump to visit the CIA after his inauguration. This visit led to Trump’s endorsement of Pompeo in front of his peers and the beginning of a strong relationship between the two.

Pompeo chose to personally brief the president daily, adding that he had gained a strong understanding of Trump’s worldview and sense of humor. Developing their relationship ultimately became a factor in Trump's later decision to appoint Pompeo as secretary of state.

Feaver asked Pompeo about his view of the future of the Trump administration throughout the conversation. Pompeo described Trump as “unpredictable and tough” with a deep understanding of his political power.

In response to a question from Feaver about whether the president heeds the advice of his advisers, Pompeo explained that Trump wants honest opinions from his staff and expects “sound arguments.” Pompeo believes it is the president’s role to choose when to adhere to advice and when to make his own decisions, though he emphasized that Trump thoroughly considers input from his staff.

Ultimately, when asked about his feelings towards “Trump 2.0,” Pompeo replied that he was “pretty optimistic” and “optimistic on America.”


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Michael Austin | Managing Editor

Michael Austin is a Trinity junior and managing editor of The Chronicle's 120th volume.

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